内容来源：https://www.theverge.com/politics/773154/maga-tech-right-ai-natcon

内容总结：

在近日举行的美国第五届全国保守主义大会（NatCon 5）上，科技行业与右翼民粹主义势力间的裂痕彻底公开化。这场被视作特朗普阵营核心智囊集会的活动中，近半数议题直指科技威胁，人工智能更成为众矢之的。

新墨西哥大学心理学教授杰弗里·米勒在题为"文化战争需要英雄主义"的论坛上，当面抨击帕兰蒂尔公司首席技术官尚卡尔·桑卡尔，称AI行业"本质上是全球主义、世俗化、自由派和女性化的超人类主义者"，指责科技巨头计划用全民基本收入实现共产主义，并将人类视为人工智能的"生物引导程序"。这番言论引发会场强烈共鸣。

尽管桑卡尔以"硅谷用通用人工智能填补心灵上帝形状的空洞"等符合大会语境的表述试图缓和矛盾，但台下反应表明，他几乎是全场极少数对科技行业持积极态度的与会者。来自特朗普政府时期的AI政策顾问迪恩·鲍尔透露，右翼对科技的敌意源于长期认为"科技行业合谋压制保守派思想"，这种情绪已深刻到连曾被视作盟友的埃隆·马斯克也因推出AI色情功能而彻底失去保守派信任。

值得关注的是，即便面对中国在AI领域的竞争压力，也未能扭转与会者的态度。家庭优先技术倡议主任迈克尔·托斯卡诺直言："国家加速AI发展的理由——'必须击败中国并增长经济'——传递的是一种贫瘠的生活理念"。就连特朗普任命的美国国立卫生研究院院长巴塔查里亚也加入声讨，指控科技公司的"审查制度"阻碍科学进步。

会议期间，右翼阵营甚至出现与工会联手的非传统提议。托斯卡诺认为工会应对技术变革的经验值得借鉴，若特朗普能促成右翼与工会联盟，"将成为拯救美国未来的伟大总统"。但鲍尔担忧，当反对科技的本质已成为"宗教战争"时，政策辩论已难以化解分歧。

随着史蒂夫·班农在闭幕致辞中宣称"绝不让硅谷光谱怪异者替美国人民做决定"，全场爆发出的热烈掌声表明，这场围绕科技价值的意识形态战争，已在特朗普阵营内部全面打响。

中文翻译：

若想了解科技右翼与民粹主义者当下的关系，第五届全国保守主义大会（NatCon 5）首日C分会场的场景便是缩影。在这场"MAGA右翼"年度权力聚会上，当日下午关于文化战争的专题讨论（"英雄主义之必要"）临近尾声时，心理学教授杰弗里·米勒抓过话筒开始痛斥小组发言人——正负责Palantir公司人工智能业务的首席技术官夏姆·桑卡尔。

MAGA民粹主义者呼吁向大型科技公司发动圣战

在这场右翼最具影响力的会议上，人工智能开发者被称为"叛教者"，企业CEO被视作背信之徒，科技巨头则被当成西方文明的威胁。"人工智能产业与国家保守主义几乎不存在意识形态重叠，"米勒指着刚完成演讲的桑卡尔说道。几小时前，这位新墨西哥大学教授还在"人工智能与美国灵魂"论坛上呼吁民粹主义者对AI开发者发动实质性的圣战，指控他们"背叛人类、背叛国家、背弃信仰、威胁儿童"。此刻他怒视的这位技术专家，刚刚竟将科技创始人与美国开国元勋相提并论——在保守主义者眼中，后者可是神圣象征。

米勒对桑卡尔直言："这个行业大体是全球化、世俗化、自由化、女性化的超人类主义者。他们公然追求大规模失业，规划基于全民基本收入的共产主义，还将人类视为人工智能'启动程序'的生物载体。"

在会议酒店走廊扔块石头，很可能砸中参与"2025计划"的人

桑卡尔用符合大会语系的措辞冷静辩护："硅谷的世俗文化正用对通用人工智能的信仰填补他们内心的上帝空缺。"但随后几天表明，他是极少数对科技行业和AI持积极态度的与会者。这场大会是主导特朗普政府的知识右翼大本营——在威斯汀酒店走廊随机扔块石头，很可能砸中参与特朗普"2025计划"的人。当下所有人只关心两个话题：右翼对以色列支持的即将终结，以及科技对西方文明存在的威胁。

科技右翼与MAGA民粹主义者曾为送反觉醒派特朗普入主白宫短暂联合。随着联盟破裂，多次参会的前彼得·蒂尔门生、副总统JD·万斯试图充当桥梁。但本次大会明确显示两派已分道扬镳。

近半数专题讨论直指科技议题：科技侵蚀学童大脑、摧毁大学批判思维、削弱美国经济与国防、破坏犹太-基督教信仰、毁灭人性。有人承认AI不可避免且正确运用可造福社会，更多人则宣称AI发展将导致"文明自杀"。几乎所有发言者都表现出对科技行业根深蒂固的情感性怀疑。

即便中国AI崛起的威胁，乃至特朗普亲自批准的"星门"等资助项目都未能动摇他们。"国家推动AI发展的理由很直白：'必须击败中国并增长经济'，"家庭优先技术计划主任迈克尔·托斯卡诺周四演讲时说，"但这意味着美国人要牺牲子孙的幸福未来。"

从史蒂夫·班农到乔希·霍利，特朗普盟友都在会上表达同样观点。甚至政府高官也加入声讨：因质疑新冠起源遭封杀、后被特朗普任命领导国立卫生研究院的杰伊·巴塔查里亚博士指控科技公司的"审查制度"阻碍科学进步。

前特朗普政府AI高级政策顾问迪恩·鲍尔指出，这种敌意已在右翼阵营酝酿多年："科技行业长期勾结压制保守派思想。"他列举了算法压制、推特封号、收益切断、230条款、"虚假信息"标签等罪状。虽然大选后科技公司不再明显审查保守派，却仍不断触犯社会保守派的文化、智识与宗教价值观。

面向儿童的社交媒体成瘾和聊天机器人引发家庭价值恐慌（"科技与家庭未来"论坛主题），生物黑客与基因编辑挑战基督教自然法则，超人类主义技术 enhancement 更被视作对上帝造物的亵渎。"保守主义关乎人类尊严与繁荣，"影响力巨大的保守派合作研究所项目副总裁雷切尔·博瓦尔德在开幕演讲中强调，"超人类保守派本身就是悖论。"

右翼对AI的抵触甚至永久放逐了马斯克

鲍尔指出，右翼对AI的抵触如此深刻，甚至永久放逐了曾被视作意识形态盟友的埃隆·马斯克："保守派原本会使用Grok语言模型，但马斯克推出生成色情内容功能释放'变态性爱机器人'后便失去信任。"（其解决生育危机的极端非基督教立场更是雪上加霜）

NatCon对AI的敌意甚至催生某些曾被视作异端的理念，例如与工会结盟。"工会拥有应对技术变革的悠久历史，应被视为经验知识之源而非反现代化的历史阻力，"托斯卡诺论证道，"若特朗普能促成右翼与工会联合，必将作为拯救未来的伟大总统载入史册。"

会后接受采访时，少数对科技前景表示乐观的鲍尔坦言："运动对科技巨头的怀疑无法通过政策辩论消除。我可以和右派朋友理性讨论如何技术性保障儿童安全使用聊天机器人，但若真实目的是发起对抗科技界的宗教战争，则难以开展建设性对话。"

大会伊始，桑卡尔——这位AI产业最高调的代表，任何失言都可能破坏Palantir与特朗普政府关系——似乎也察觉到涌动的怒潮。"AI魔瓶已开启，但这不意味着超人类主义未来，"他回应米勒时强调，AI应是助力美国创业者"卷起袖子实干"的强大工具，"这是独特的美国现象，能改变世界并推广我们的价值观。"

遗憾的是直到大会落幕，似乎无人认同桑卡尔。"人工智能确有巨大潜力，"史蒂夫·班农在闭幕词中表态，"但你凝视的是无底深渊。无人理解、无人能言明的风险。我绝不愿让硅谷那群沉溺网络系统的怪人——那些连是否效忠美国都存疑，整天鼓吹'我们是网络而非国家'的自闭症患者——替美国人民做决定。"

全场掌声雷动。

英文来源：

If you wanted a sense of the current relationship between the tech right and the populists, you had to be sitting in Breakout Room C on the first day of NatCon 5, the annual gathering of the MAGA right’s powerhouses. At the end of the afternoon panel on the culture wars (“The Need for Heroism”), Geoffrey Miller was handed the mic and started berating one of the panelists: Shyam Sankar, the chief technology officer of Palantir, who is in charge of the company’s AI efforts.
MAGA populists call for holy war against Big Tech
At NatCon, one of the right wing’s most influential conferences, AI developers were “apostates,” CEOs were faithless, and Big Tech was a threat to Western civilization.
At NatCon, one of the right wing’s most influential conferences, AI developers were “apostates,” CEOs were faithless, and Big Tech was a threat to Western civilization.
“I argue that the AI industry shares virtually no ideological overlap with national conservatism,” Miller said, referring to the conference’s core ideology. Hours ago, Miller, a psychology professor at the University of New Mexico, had been on that stage for a panel called “AI and the American Soul,” calling for the populists to wage a literal holy war against artificial intelligence developers “as betrayers of our species, traitors to our nation, apostates to our faith, and threats to our kids.” Now, he stared right at the technologist who’d just given a speech arguing that tech founders were just as heroic as the Founding Fathers, who are sacred figures to the natcons. The AI industry was, he told Sankar, “by and large, globalist, secular, liberal, feminized transhumanists. They explicitly want mass unemployment, they plan for UBI-based communism, and they view the human species as a biological ‘bootloader,’ as they say, for artificial superintelligence.”
If you threw a rock down the Westin Hotel hallway, you had a high chance of hitting someone who contributed to Project 2025
Sankar mounted a calm defense that leveraged the correct NatCon vocabulary (“I think that the broadly secular culture of Silicon Valley has filled the God-shaped hole in their heart with this belief towards AGI.”) But over the next several days, it appeared that Sankar was one of the very, very few attendees with a net positive view of the tech industry and AI. NatCon was the home of the intellectual right dominating Donald Trump’s government — if you threw a rock down the Westin Hotel hallway, you had a high chance of hitting someone who contributed to Project 2025 — and there seemed to be two topics on everyone’s minds that week: the imminent end of the right’s support of Israel, and the existential threat that technology posed to Western civilization.
The tech right and the MAGA populists had united briefly to get an anti-woke Trump into the White House, and as their coalition fractured, Vice President JD Vance, a Peter Thiel protege who’s attended NatCon multiple times, tried to serve as a bridge between them. But this year’s NatCon has made it clear that the factions are no longer on the same page.
Nearly half of the conference’s panels were explicitly focused on tech. Tech atrophying the brains of their children in school and destroying critical thought in universities. Tech weakening the American economy, tech weakening the national defense and international dominance, tech assaulting the Judeo-Christian faith and destroying humanity.
Others claimed that further AI development would lead to ‘civilizational suicide’
Their hostility varied wildly: some acknowledged that AI was not going away and could have some societal benefit if harnessed correctly, while others claimed that further AI development would lead to “civilizational suicide.” But nearly all the speakers expressed a deeply, emotionally entrenched suspicion against the tech industry.
Even the threat of Chinese AI dominance was not enough to sway them, nor was the fact that Trump himself had signed off on funding projects like Stargate. “The state’s own rationale for AI acceleration is quite explicit about it: ‘We must beat China and grow the economy,’” said Michael Toscano, the director of the Family First Technology Initiative, during his Thursday talk. “These, of course, have significant implications for the future of Americans, but the message is one of a barren life: ‘To beat China, you must be willing to part ways with everything — including a happier future for your children and grandchildren.’”
Trump allies were saying this at NatCon, too, from Steve Bannon to Josh Hawley to Mike Benz. And even top administration officials laid into Big Tech: Dr. Jay Bhattacharya, who’d been deplatformed for questioning the origins of covid and was subsequently appointed by Trump to lead the National Institutes of Health, claimed that tech companies doing “censorship” had set back scientific progress.
This animosity had been simmering for years on the right, said Dean Ball, a former senior policy adviser on AI and emerging technology in the Trump White House, who also spoke at NatCon 5. “It dates back to this feeling that I think was accurate for a long time,” he told The Verge, “that the tech industry was colluding against conservatives to silence conservative ideas.” He ran through a partial list of Big Tech’s offenses: algorithmic suppression, Twitter bans, demonetization, Section 230, content labeled as “misinformation,” and so forth.
But although the tech industry is no longer perceived as actively censoring conservatives post-election, it’s as though it’s incapable of not running afoul of the cultural, intellectual, and religious values of social conservatives. Social media addiction and chatbots marketed toward kids, for instance, feed directly into right-wing panic over family values. (This was the subject of the panel “Tech and the Future of the Family.”) Biohacking and genetic modification are a direct insult to the Christian laws of nature. And transhumanism — the idea that technology would directly enhance humanity — is an affront to the creations of God, a point made during the conference’s very first speech.
“Conservatism is about human dignity and human flourishing,” said Rachel Bovard, the vice president of programs at the influential Conservative Partnership Institute, during the first speech of the conference. “By definition, there is no such thing as a transhuman conservative.”
Ball noted that the right’s AI antipathy was so deep that it had permanently exiled Elon Musk
Ball noted that the right’s AI antipathy was so deep that it had permanently exiled Elon Musk, whom they once considered a true ideological ally. “If a socially conservative person was gonna use a language model, they would use Grok, because they trusted Grok,” he said. But the moment that Musk released Grok xAI’s generative AI porn feature, unleashing “hentai sex bots,” he lost the right’s goodwill. (His extremely un-Christian stance on solving the fertility crisis didn’t help matters, either.)
The animus toward AI at NatCon was intense enough to prompt some formerly heretical ideas, such as joining forces with labor unions. “[They] have a long history of confronting technological change and should be treated as sources of experience and knowledge, rather than a historical dead weight force for anti-modernization,” argued Toscano at one point, adding that if Trump managed to bring the right wing and the unions together, “he would go down in history as one of America’s greatest presidents, if not the man who saved the future.”
When we spoke the day after the conference, Ball — one of the very few at NatCon who expressed optimism about the future of technology in America — voiced his concern that the movement’s suspicion of Big Tech could not be overcome by vigorous policy debates. “I am on the right,” he said, “but I say this to my friends on the right all the time: you can have a very reasonable discussion about what, technically, should we be doing to make chatbots safer for kids. I don’t think you could have a very fruitful discussion if that’s not really your objective, and actually your objective is to prosecute, basically, a sort of religious war against technology and technologists.”
At the very beginning of the conference, Sankar — the AI industry’s most prominent representative at NatCon, who could have damaged Palantir’s relationship with the Trump administration if he said the wrong thing in that room — seemed to note the roiling anger, too. “The AI genie is out of the bottle — that doesn’t imply a transhumanist future,” he said in response to Miller. His own vision of AI was a powerful tool for entrepreneurial Americans “getting busy rolling up their sleeves.” AI, he said, “is a uniquely American phenomenon,” one that he claimed could “change the world and promote our values.”
Unfortunately, by the end of NatCon, no one seemed to agree with Sankar. “Yes, artificial intelligence could have tremendous upsides,” Steve Bannon said during closing remarks. “But you’re looking into a bottomless pit. It’s a downside that nobody understands and nobody can articulate. And the last thing I want is a bunch of folks on the spectrum in Silicon Valley — who I’m not sure are even that dedicated to the United States of America, because they got these weird people talking about network systems and ‘we’re a network and not really a country’ — I don’t want them making decisions for the American people.”
The crowd burst into applause.